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Learning Outcomes

Upon completion of this unit, students should be able to:

Compare and contrast the 19th century values of the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era. the catalysts for the attitudes present during the end of the 19th century.

Interpret the role expanding leisure played in reinforcing class segregation and access to opportunity.

Discuss the rise of leisure, both private and public, in America in its most common forms and its impact on society, including issues like segregation and access to opportunity.

Recall the likelihood of participation in unionized activities among different labor and social classes.

Assess the impact of political machines, including their overall benefit and/or detriment to the communities they served.

Lesson

In Unit I our focus was introducing the realities of Twain's Gilded Age. The issues of greatest note reverberated around the need and opportunities for reforming the changing populations and attitudes of post- Reconstruction, and also the widening economic gap, which thrived on the theory of Social Darwinism. As the U.S. steamrolled towards the 20th century, again the nation would attempt to build a truly Progressive Era. This last quarter of the 19th century witnessed a renewed industrial age and a rebuilding of America as a global culture.

First person, Anachronism, and Bias

Continuing our introduction to the purpose of historical study, this era provides us the opportunity to embrace the first-person perspectives, a key part of observing intention and effect separate from our modern views, morals, and expectations. When working with first-person perspectives in history, it is most common to find individual accounts, immediate reports, and incomplete investigations. However, when beginning this type of research, it is necessary to be aware of two common issues that share the potential for misrepresentation: anachronism and bias.

Anachronism and bias, though often linked, are significantly different from one another and have separate roles. A quick comparison would be that anachronism is unintentionally studying based on modern morals, whereas bias is the more conscious intention to argue a perspective and may be present during or after the event or issue.

When we put today's values or perspective on the past, it can be called anachronistic. An anachronism can be loosely defined as a biased observation of past events clouded by modern morality and perspective. This is all too commonly a practice at all levels of study and writing. It is an issue that historians, especially, have to carefully watch for when reading and researching. This unit will challenge you with the introduction of multiple morally taxing situations, and it is important to accept this early opportunity to build a strong foundation for what will be studied in the remaining units.

Bias is not necessarily a bad thing, as it is essential for argument and warranting the fairness for all sides. However, for the unknown reader, bias can be akin to falling for a one-sided or incomplete opinion. We accept and expect bias to be on display everywhere today-from news networks to car sales. This was no different in earlier centuries, and it is vital that this be taken into account when looking at documents such as first-person accounts, newspaper clippings, and political writings. To prepare for this, always be sure to ask the following when researching and reviewing: who is speaking, what perspective would most benefit them, and who is their target audience? When these answers are clear, then bias can be a wonderful tool for researching an argument and preparing a defense, which is a necessary skill for many professions.

Urban Sprawl

With the era of Reconstruction now fading as a distant memory, the urban sprawl that America had experienced leading into and during the Civil War was once again on the rise-this time with greater needs for integration and new levels of poverty as well as a more spread out opportunity.

During America's first mass migration and industry, the majority of opportunities were limited to the East Coast cities of Baltimore, Boston, and New York. However, with the vast majority of its infrastructure (including roads, waterways, and railroads) still intact after the war, business was able to continue booming. Those who could afford to move inland did; new centers of industry thrived in Chicago, Cleveland, and Pittsburg by welcoming the world's migrants to compete with the coastal monsters. Immigrants from all across Europe now jumped at the American promise they heard and dreamed about, but little did they know about the truth behind these rumors.

For the migrant family, the move to the U.S. was a way to escape poverty, oppression, or political dangers. Some came as families, others as individuals, but all came with a dream of a better life for the younger generations. What many found, however, were feelings reminiscent of much of the anti-abolition sentiment heard throughout the country prior to the Civil War.

What was unique about these voices was that they often came from those who had only migrated two to three decades earlier. One of the most unique outcomes was that light skin color was no longer a guarantee of a better situation. Still, the reemergence of Jim Crow laws (so named after a popular old minstrel song) and attitudes impacted African Americans during this time. Many cultures met together, and all needed to assimilate to the American stereotype to find any success. While America has often been called a melting pot, many liken it more to a tossed salad. This feeling was not unique to industrial hubs, either. The West Coast, which had once received large populations during the Gold Rush, now housed the oppressed. Lessons learned from the war about freedom and equality were quickly forgotten.

Mexican workers hired by the railroad in the late 1800s made less than other ethnic groups. By 1880, there were more than 100,000 Chinese in the United States, and they as well as other ethnic groups would often live in segregated neighborhoods and go to segregated schools. Anti-immigration laws severely limiting the number of Asians allowed into the country began to be passed.

These conditions were not lost on the world stage. Foreign ministers in the U.S. saw and spoke out against the violence and horrific conditions. However, around this same time (specifically 1886), a message to the contrary would debut in the New York Harbor in the Statue of Liberty. She stood in full view, ready to receive the world's most desperate into her guidance. Inspired by her predecessor, the Colossus of Rhodes, she was a wonder to behold and a symbol of strength for those who needed it most. Her inscription and purpose was a clear welcome for these weary travelers: "Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free" (Lazarus, n.d.). However, many would come to question if this was a true representation of the America they were about to enter.

Tarnished Dream

After passing Liberty Island came the first real introduction to this land of opportunity: Ellis Island. As a center for the processing and recording of the vast majority of immigrants who came to the U.S. during this period, Ellis Island was an essential trial for entrance into the nation. It was also a place of uncertain welcome for many-names were shortened and Anglicized, measurements and health were scrutinized. For a significant population, it was the first glimpse of their future as a cog in the political machine.

For the lower class, what they expected was simple yet all too often unfulfilled. Tenement buildings were cheap housing for the entire family, with barely the minimum necessities provided (see PowerPoint). Sickness was common due to poor sanitation and malnourishment, jobs were difficult to find, and often the entire family would have to work in sweatshops, factories, or mills in order to afford basic needs.

There were some champions of the poor, however. The machine was a political entity which, for the promise of their vote, would promise to support, feed, employ, or grant other benefits to supporters who were often fresh immigrants from the same area as their assigned recruiter (a good look at this is provided in the movie Far and Away with Nicole Kidman and Tom Cruise).

As well-intentioned as this sounds, however, these actions were often quite unscrupulous. Grafters, the leaders of these machines, would be professional thieves. Even the most successful machine politicians, such as the leader of New York's Tammany Hall, "Boss" Tweed, would end up with lengthy prison sentences. These bosses knew whom they needed to keep happy and how to guarantee those votes. Their work with the struggling migrants put them in a historically complex position, somewhere between the hero Robin Hood and the master criminal Al Capone. These machines popped up in almost every major American city near the turn of the century and drew questions about how progressive this time really was.

Increased Leisure Time-for Some

For the upper class, expectations could not be more different. These elite few lived in posh suburban or rural houses with the latest amenities. For those who had to venture to the city, they found use in public transportation to limit their time there and enjoyed the growing leisure scene in their free time. For example, amusement Parks such as Coney Island began to spring up. These were also the people who had the time to go bicycling and play tennis. While the wealthy were having fun in their leisure time, the working masses had little to no free time.

Some characteristics of labor of the time would include a workweek consisting of more than 84 hours. Workers would often work 12-hour days, seven days a week. The average weekly wage was six to seven dollars, or approximately $490 per year. There was no workers' compensation for on-the-job injuries, no health insurance, and no social security. If anything happened to the wage earner, the family often lost all, starved, and fell apart (a good look at this is in the 1906 novel The Jungle by Upton Sinclair).

What would emerge from this disparity would help lead to many of the reforms we have today: unionization. The two primary union groups before the 20th century, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) and Knights of Labor (KOL), would find ways to gain support from experienced and skilled workers and sometimes even laborers. Together, they would strike with their refusal to work until conditions were better. All too often, this benefitted the middle-class workers more than lower classes, which could be easily replaced. However, this was a step toward a safer and a more lucrative environment. A good example of this early unionization is the Great Railroad Strike of 1877. As well-intentioned as these organizations were, however, they sometimes failed. Where they failed, others would jump on these opportunities to make a statement, though these gatherings were usually less organized and all too often ended in disaster or violence.

With many in the upper class able to employ house servants, and with the required time in the cities now limited, new amusements became more common across America. Dances, social clubs, and other such leisurely pursuits were not new, but became a more common staple, as well as a more attractive way to look for a family. Such leisure was not only for the rich, however; the Progressive Era would introduce a new kind of attraction that provided leisure opportunities for all classes to enjoy together. Professional and individual sports motivated leisure time, most significantly baseball, but with significant interest also being given to horse racing and boxing. Travel, too, became more common, though with limited infrastructure in place, this was still a growing trend.

Reform and Political Upheaval

Another growing trend was the resurgence of many reform movements (See PowerPoint). The goal of women's suffrage had not lost any steam through these changing atmospheres. Instead, it gained an ally in Wyoming, which was the first state to allow women to vote. It saw the rise of a new banner: the National

American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA), under the leadership of the charismatic and politically connected Frances Willard, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and Susan B. Anthony. Though their times as reform leaders were quickly dwindling due to their age, there continued to be success in the West, which was desperate to attract women to ensure the population. It would be successes in states such as Idaho, Colorado, and eventually other Western states, that would provide the necessary support to take the suffrage debate to the national scene.

The 19th century, though, would end on a sour note. A stock market crash in 1893 put America in the grips of a depression that led to the resurgence of class warfare, violence, and the destruction of what had once been welcome atmospheres, such as the Chicago World's Fair. Depression was not new to American workers, but this was the first such time with the advantage of unionization tactics. However, as the Homestead lockout showed, this did not mean that the wealthy industrialists were going to back down, either. From another aggressive protest, the Pullman boycott of 1894, a new American political figure would emerge who will be more of a focus in a later unit: Eugene V. Debs. Once a union leader, he would become a political contender early in the following century.

In the wake of these economic changes, there was also a significant political upheaval. New alliances were created based on like minds, the strongest of which would be the Farmers' Alliance, which would become the People's (Populist) Party. The elections of 1892 and 1896 would see an upsurge in support for the Populist platform, and an eventual merger with the Democratic Party. However, with the majority of support coming from individuals, and not seasoned politicians, what looked like a growing political movement was soon shut down before gaining significant national influence. The U.S. remained a two-party nation with the comfortable election of Republican candidate William McKinley.

The last role of the U.S. in the 18th century was that of a rising world power. Though it would not be deemed a superpower for another two decades, war would be the means towards securing the U.S. as an imperial force and expanding its influence beyond its natural borders. The near annexation of Hawai'i in 1893 was only the first action taken; the U.S. would next make its way to China in hopes of gaining traction in the lucrative trade market that had long been dominated by Western European powers.

The setting for this entrance would be based in offering support during a civil conflict named the Boxer Rebellion. This exercise produced two doctrines of great significance. The first was the 1823 Monroe Doctrine, which had threatened war against any European power who attempted to colonize the Western Hemisphere, which involved the promise that the U.S. would not invade the Eastern Hemisphere. The second was the Open Door Policy, which positioned a place for U.S. trade in China. By forcing its way into China, the U.S. essentially negated its own isolation doctrine and became a truly international force.

The U.S. had set up battle lines in the wake of previous occupation, but now felt it had enough strength to ward off any potential further threats to its claimed property and neighbors. With various U.S. interests now being claimed within Mesoamerica, the first chance to defend this new international position would come in 1898. Spain occupied Cuba, and the U.S. wanted to extend its reach into the Philippines. With the aid of some creative stories and pictures, known today as yellow journalism, politicians convinced the American people of the horrors of Cuba's situation, even when the few American financial interests in Cuba were forfeited in fear of full-scale conflict.

On the night of February 15, 1898, the Maine, a battleship that had been sent to stress a U.S. presence in the situation, mysteriously blew up, and the U.S. had its war. Spain would prove to be less than a challenge, and the U.S. would gain its presence in Southeast Asia with power over the Philippines. However, demanding this continued presence turned Filipino allies against the U.S., and the U.S. would lose almost all progress it had gained in the Eastern Pacific.

At the close of the 19th century, the U.S. looked significantly different than it had even 30 years earlier. Growing business successes and populations provided the once isolationist nation a feeling of superiority and a lust for expansion into new regions to monopolize its trade interests and for military positioning throughout the world. The next century would again challenge this isolationist policy when the U.S. would be unexpectedly thrust into the Great War. This was the first modern war and the beginning of its role as a true world superpower.

Using this understanding, it is highly suggested to look again at the different political and nationalistic groups. What kind of society was desired in the U.S., and were the differences that divided these political factions really so different from one another? Was division inevitable due to the widening economic differences, or could stronger management have appeased all sides? These are questions that will lead directly into the brewing conflict in the next unit.

You will need to write as if you are a first generation immigrant (in the first person).

Your first journal entry needs to be from the viewpoint of an immigrant from Europe (e.g., Ireland, Italy, Germany, England, or France).

Your second journal entry needs to come from the standpoint of an immigrant from Asia (e.g., China or Japan).

You will need to develop an argument within both journal entries based on the bulleted items below.

In your own words, justify academically the side of the argument you choose, remembering to cite your sources along the way.

Journal 1

- Are you treated as an equal by earlier generations residing here?

- What are others' attitudes toward you?

- Why do you think they act this way?

- Would you feel pressured to pledge your loyalty to a political machine?

- Would you agree to engage in a strike?

- Talk about some leisure opportunities and how they are divided by race or class or are for everyone.

Journal 2

- What is the "American dream?"

- What did this "dream" look like for immigrants coming to the United States after the Civil War was over?

- Explain which leisure opportunities could be part of the American dream.

- What part did the anti-immigration sentiment play in the American dream?